[The Editors' Verdict] Implications of the Launch of AUKUS

[Asia Economy] The post-Cold War era, which began with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, came to an end with the rise of Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. For over 30 years, the defining features of the post-Cold War period were value entrapment and China's rise.

During this time, countries tended to maximize their own interests by leveraging China's rise. In other words, the phenomenon of ‘Anmi Gyeongjung (安美經中)’?relying on the U.S. for security and on China for the economy?spread widely.

At that time, China’s exploitation of its rise as a tool of Sinocentrism was not seen as a major problem. There was neither suspicion nor vigilance that Sinocentrism would revive as a ‘21st-century Chinese-style imperialism.’

With President Xi’s emergence, the dangers of Sinocentrism gradually became apparent, but the world deliberately ignored them. However, China now ruthlessly enforces submission through economic retaliation whenever it perceives even the slightest obstacle to Sinocentrism.

China retaliated against South Korea’s deployment of THAAD with the “Hanhanryeong (限韓令)” (restrictions on Korean products), and responded to Australia’s demand for investigation into the origin of COVID-19 by halting coal imports. As long as such violent retaliation for Sinocentrism exists, the space for Anmi Gyeongjung to endure will continue to shrink.

Former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull actively promoted Anmi Gyeongjung. When China carried out retaliatory measures, Turnbull defined the reality of China’s foreign policy as the 3Cs: covert, corruption, and coerciveness. After discerning the true nature of China’s diplomacy, Australia did not succumb to China’s coercion and upheld its national pride. Australia’s choice meant abandoning the value-entrapment of Anmi Gyeongjung.

The AUKUS security pact, launched on the 15th of last month by the U.S., the U.K., and Australia, is a valuable outcome gained by Australia’s abandonment of Anmi Gyeongjung. The core of AUKUS is the joint support by the U.S. and the U.K. for Australia’s development of nuclear submarines. The launch of AUKUS carries a deeper meaning beyond simple joint nuclear submarine development. It signals the beginning of a value-centered reorganization of the international political and economic order.

Pursuing one’s own economic interests by focusing on relations with China is a freedom. Conversely, it is also the freedom of the U.S. not to continue protecting the interests of allies if their strategic interests are not respected or are infringed upon.

This is a strong message that free-riding by allies who only want to enjoy the privileges of security alliances will no longer be tolerated. It means clearly distinguishing who is on your side and whose side you are on based on values. Therefore, the launch of AUKUS implies the end of the Anmi Gyeongjung era, a point whose significance for us cannot be ignored.

However, South Korea is ignoring the strategic implications of AUKUS and is maintaining and even strengthening the strategic ambiguity of Anmi Gyeongjung. On the 22nd of last month, Foreign Minister Chung Eui-yong said, “Mentioning an anti-China bloc centered on the U.S. is Cold War thinking,” echoing President Xi’s speech at the UN General Assembly the day before.

Despite this ‘pro-China tilt,’ China has never helped our core interests at critical moments. In the process of resolving the Korean Peninsula issue, China has always played the role of a staunch protector, consistently siding with North Korea.

Given these historical facts, we now need to consider whether economic ties or closeness with China, whose values differ from ours, are sustainable. The launch of AUKUS is providing us with direction.

Our strategic choice should be to align with value-centered diplomatic and security alliances. Signals of alliance alignment include participating in the Quad and attending the Summit for Democracy. We look forward to the government’s proactive decision-making.

Jo Young-ki, Chairman of the Advanced Unification Research Group, Korea Peninsula Advancement Foundation

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.