Tension and Humility in Power, Collaboration Needed [Akyung-Dongguk University Politicus Lab Joint Project①]

'16,394,815 votes to 16,147,738 votes'

The first message that the presidential election, decided by a margin of 247,077 votes or 0.73 percentage points, gives us is ‘the tension and humility of power.’ The failure to extend the Moon Jae-in administration after five years signifies that the public’s cycle of power judgment has accelerated.

‘The tension and humility of Yoon Seok-yeol’s power’ starts from understanding why people supported him. The reason is the demand for a regime change by ‘ordinary and reasonable people.’ From December 31 of last year, when the ban on publicizing opinion polls began, until March 2, just before the ban, the average support for regime change in 260 opinion polls registered with the Poll Deliberation Commission was 51.6%.

This is why the ‘tool for regime change’ must be the ‘starting point of Yoon Seok-yeol’s power and politics.’ Therefore, the demand for regime change by more than half of the population and the consequent expected(?) presidential victory require ‘the tension and humility of Yoon Seok-yeol’s power.’

There is also a need for ‘the demand for power collaboration.’ While there was a majority or near-majority demand for regime change on one side, on the other side were people who supported President Moon’s governance. In 260 opinion polls from December 31 last year to the 2nd of this month, President Moon’s average approval rating was 42.8%. This was the source that allowed candidate Lee Jae-myung to maintain a close race and attempt a comeback in a challenging electoral landscape.

What people want, regardless of whether they are from the ruling or opposition parties, progressives or conservatives, is for power to solve the problems of our lives and enable a better life for us. This is precisely ‘politics of national unity and grand compromise, and democracy of competence,’ which is possible through ‘power collaboration.’ The ‘national instruction for power collaboration’ is to complete ‘100% national power’ with Yoon Seok-yeol’s 48% mandate and trust.

‘Power collaboration’ is divided into what is urgent right now and what must start from now on. Political reform is a mid- to long-term task. The president-elect’s declaration as the ‘Gwanghwamun President’ marks the beginning of the end of the imperial presidency. Realizing the spirit of the times of decentralization, checks and balances requires a timetable for consensus and agreement between the ruling and opposition parties and sophisticated institutional design capabilities. This is why the Blue House TF of the transition committee must take on the role of a political reform research office beyond the ‘Gwanghwamun President.’

Electoral reform, such as strengthening proportionality in the National Assembly election system and introducing a runoff voting system, is the gateway to constitutional amendment. The choice of which electoral system to use in the local elections, less than three months away, will show the future of political reform.

Reducing and improving the imperial nature and system of presidential power is the core of checks and balances and decentralization. Accordingly, how, in what way, and by when the roles and functions of the National Assembly, the Prime Minister, and the Cabinet will be normalized is important. Electoral reform, horizontal and vertical decentralization, and institutionalization of checks and balances will be concretized through party and National Assembly reform. The final comprehensive outcome is constitutional amendment, but it requires time.

What must be handled immediately for ‘power collaboration’ is the appointment of the Prime Minister and the formation of the Cabinet. Especially, the Prime Minister’s nomination, which requires National Assembly approval, will test ‘the tension and humility of Yoon Seok-yeol’s power’ and the possibility and sincerity of ‘power collaboration.’

The Prime Minister nomination for power collaboration could involve ‘the Democratic Party’s proposal of the Prime Minister nomination or consultation between the National Assembly negotiation groups or factions and Yoon Seok-yeol’s transition committee.’ Various combinations are possible, but the key is respecting their 47% vote share and the major opposition party.

The same applies to Cabinet appointments. It is possible to consider discussing the current national issues, tasks, and criteria and qualifications for suitable candidates together with the National Assembly standing committees. This ‘power collaboration’ reduces the political burden of the National Assembly’s Prime Minister approval and confirmation hearings and shares the political responsibility of the first cabinet appointments with the National Assembly. The tension and humility of power and power collaboration toward successful and benevolent power is the task of Yoon Seok-yeol’s politics.

Park Myung-ho, Professor of Political Science, Dongguk University

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.