[Politics, That Day...] 'The Role Model of New Parties' 1985 Shinmindang, The Secret to Success

Repeated New Party Debates Ahead of Election, Focus on Third Zone Political Experiment in 2022 Presidential Election
New Democratic Party's Simultaneous Victory in Seoul and Busan, DJ-YS Alliance... Reflecting Condensed Public Will

[Asia Economy Reporter Ryu Jeong-min]

Editor's Note‘Politics, That Day...’ is a series planning corner that looks back on Korean politics through the ‘recollection of memories’ related to scenes, events, and figures that deserve attention.

On the 7th, the voting day for the April 7 by-elections, vote counting is underway at the counting center set up at Mapo-gu Community Sports Center in Seoul. Photo by Hyunmin Kim kimhyun81@

The reason why the issue of ‘new party formation’ emerges as a focal point every election is because the public sentiment yearning for change in real politics is sensed. The basic driving force of the new party formation theory is the ‘political imagination’ to become the new protagonist of the Blue House based on an alternative party that breaks the existing political order.

With less than 11 months remaining until the next presidential election, the issue of new party formation is also a subject of interest. The out-of-parliament activities of former People Power Party Emergency Committee Chairman Kim Jong-in and former Democratic Party lawmaker Geum Tae-seop are noteworthy. The more they deny the possibility of forming a new party, the more interest paradoxically intensifies.

The basic formula that amplifies the driving force for new party formation is the public’s desire for a third political space and the presence of a prominent political leader who can lead that desire. The reason former Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-youl’s moves attract attention is that his choice could be a decisive variable in the presidential election landscape.

His presidential participation scenarios include joining an existing party (People Power Party), forming a new party and then unifying with the People Power Party, or running independently through a new party. Joining an existing party could be a burden as it requires overcoming disadvantages in the party’s organizational base.

Forming a new party requires organization, power, and funds. If the new party formation is hastily done before the election and disappears without a trace, the burden is less. However, if the goal is to create a political organization that dreams of becoming a ruling party, the process of party formation is full of challenges.

On the 7th, when the April 7 by-election was held, citizens are voting at the 3rd polling station in Junggye-bon-dong, Nowon-gu, Seoul. Photo by Hyunmin Kim kimhyun81@

Then, among the numerous cases of new party formation recorded in Korean political history, what choice can be considered a model case of success? The exemplary case most often cited in political circles is the formation of the New Korean Democratic Party (Shinmindang) in 1985.

The Shinmindang was founded in January 1985, and in the 12th general election held the following month, it overturned the political landscape. The Shinmindang secured 14 out of 28 seats in Seoul, surpassing the ruling Democratic Justice Party’s 13 seats.

In Busan, it also won half of the 12 seats, securing 6 seats. The Democratic Justice Party only managed to secure 3 seats in Busan. The Shinmindang won simultaneously in Seoul and Busan immediately after its formation.

The secret to the Shinmindang’s success was that it resonated with the condensed aspirations of public sentiment. Until 1984, before the Shinmindang’s formation, opposition politicians were practically under house arrest, and their political activities were restricted. There was only a nominal opposition party, but no proper opposition.

The Shinmindang was founded under the banner of a clear and legitimate opposition party. The reason the Shinmindang could demonstrate strong destructive power in Seoul and Busan was that two representative giants of Korean politics, former Presidents Kim Dae-jung (DJ) and Kim Young-sam (YS), united their efforts.

The politicians known as the Donggyodong faction and the Sangdodong faction joined forces based on their common denominator of the democratization movement, becoming the driving force behind the Shinmindang storm in 1985.

On the 8th, officials from Songpa-gu Office are removing promotional materials for the Seoul mayoral by-election near Jamsilsaenae Station in Songpa-gu, Seoul. Photo by Jinhyung Kang aymsdream@

Then, can the Shinmindang storm be replicated in modern politics? It could be possible if a strong political leader with powerful political skills and a strong public desire for change coincide. The problem lies in the difference in the political soil between 1985 and 2021.

In 1985, a simple dichotomy of democracy versus anti-democracy was possible, but in 2021, numerous demands and interests are intertwined complexly. Simply gathering people, organizing, and mobilizing funds for new party formation have limitations. It is important to be recognized for ‘political ability’ to resolve complex conflict structures.

The presidential election is different in nature from by-elections. By-elections held during a president’s term have the character of a judgment election, but the presidential election is a future-oriented election. Preparing answers to who will lead South Korea’s future, how, and in what way is not an easy task.

What answers will the forces considering new party formation ahead of next year’s presidential election present? The moment they propose answers, the presidential race could unfold in a dimension very different from now. It means a qualitative upgrade of the presidential competition from an election focused solely on ‘political engineering’ to an election that distinguishes which forces will be responsible for citizens’ future.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.