Yoon's 'Hands and Feet' Cut Off by Chu, Finally Aimed the Knife at the 'Body'

Organizational Restructuring → Personnel Overhaul → President's Stagnation
Reform Committee under Ministry of Justice Recommends Abolishing Prosecutor General's Investigation Command and Appointing Non-Prosecutor Presidents
Prosecutors' Concerns: "An Idea That Undermines Systems for Political Neutrality"

[Asia Economy Reporters Seokjin Choi and Hyungmin Kim] Since her inauguration in January this year, Justice Minister Choo Mi-ae's series of measures have ultimately been aimed at weakening Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol's power and strengthening the minister's influence over the prosecution.

From the organizational restructuring immediately after her inauguration to the recent 'decentralization of the Prosecutor General's command authority,' the so-called 'Choo Mi-ae-led prosecution reform' has essentially pursued the same goal.

According to the legal community on the 27th, there is growing concern within the prosecution that the recommendations announced the day before by the Ministry of Justice's Legal and Prosecution Reform Committee (Reform Committee) infringe upon the political neutrality of the prosecution.

The recommendations include measures to effectively turn the Prosecutor General into a so-called 'figurehead Prosecutor General' and allow the Minister of Justice room to intervene in specific investigations. This contradicts the current Prosecution Service Act, which limits the minister's investigative command to a minimum.

An incumbent Deputy Prosecutor A pointed out, "It is an idea that completely nullifies various systems designed to secure the prosecution's political neutrality, such as the fixed term for the Prosecutor General."

Attorney B, a former High Prosecutor, also said, "The Prosecutor General is a shield protecting the prosecution's political neutrality from external pressures. That is why they are given strong powers such as investigative command authority." He added, "Forcing High Prosecutors, who are candidates for the next Prosecutor General and must be mindful of the minister, to be directly commanded by the minister could be a serious mistake that undermines the prosecution's political neutrality."

The day before, the Reform Committee recommended 'reforming the investigative command system between the Minister of Justice and the Prosecutor General,' which includes ▲abolishing the Prosecutor General's specific investigative command authority and distributing it among High Prosecutors ▲allowing the Minister of Justice to issue written investigative commands to each High Prosecutor ▲having the Minister of Justice consult the Prosecution Personnel Committee instead of the Prosecutor General when appointing prosecutors ▲appointing Prosecutor Generals from non-prosecutor backgrounds such as judges, lawyers, or women.

Since it seems that Minister Choo will accept the Reform Committee's recommendations and proceed with institutional improvements, the Choo Mi-ae-led reform plan targeting Prosecutor General Yoon appears to be reaching its peak.

Earlier in January this year, Minister Choo carried out personnel reshuffles of senior prosecutors, demoting Prosecutor General Yoon's close allies gathered at the Supreme Prosecutors' Office to local offices and other regions.

On the other hand, she appointed Lee Seong-yoon, then Director of the Ministry of Justice's Prosecution Bureau and a judicial training institute classmate of Prosecutor General Yoon, as head of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office to keep checks on Prosecutor General Yoon. About two weeks later, on the 23rd, she reshuffled mid-level prosecutors, effectively dismantling the investigation teams targeting the current administration.

At that time, the prosecution leadership and staff handling allegations of corruption involving former Justice Minister Cho Kuk's family and the Blue House's interference in the Ulsan mayoral election were all replaced with new faces. The legal community criticized this as "personnel moves that cut off Prosecutor General Yoon's hands and feet."

Five days later, she implemented a prosecution organizational reform plan that abolished 13 direct investigation departments within the prosecution, including the Anti-Corruption Investigation Division. This was based on the perception that self-initiated investigations without complaints could lead to abuse of investigative authority.

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Justice maintained its 'de-prosecution' policy. Key positions within the Ministry were filled by non-prosecutors to keep the prosecution in check. Minister Choo's relentless pressure on the prosecution temporarily eased due to the COVID-19 outbreak but has tightened again this month.

On the 2nd, regarding the 'media collusion' allegations that a reporter and a chief prosecutor colluded to threaten a source, Minister Choo exercised her investigative command authority over Prosecutor General Yoon, issuing an unprecedented order to withdraw from specific investigations.

The Reform Committee's recent recommendation to decentralize the Prosecutor General's investigative command authority is seen as a 'final blow' to weaken Prosecutor General Yoon's power in this context.

Although it is currently only a recommendation from an advisory body, considering the Ministry of Justice's past practice of largely accepting the Reform Committee's recommendations, it is highly likely that this proposal will be concretized.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.