[The Editors' Verdict] President-elect Yoon Suk-yeol, May You Restore Collapsed Justice, Fairness, and the Rule of Law

[Asia Economy Reporter Choi Seok-jin, Legal Affairs Specialist] “Given the circumstances, I will tell you the truth.”

“I do not pledge loyalty to any person, which is why I am saying this today as well.”

Late evening on October 21, 2013. At the National Assembly Judiciary Committee’s audit of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office held at the Seoul High Prosecutors’ Office, Yoon Seok-yeol, then head of the Yeoju branch of the Suwon District Prosecutors’ Office, made this statement. His bombshell remarks, which came when everyone was feeling fatigued from the morning-long audit, shocked everyone present, including myself.

He was leading the investigation team into the National Intelligence Service’s online comment manipulation scandal but had been sidelined from his duties for bypassing prior reporting to his superiors and conducting arrests and searches of NIS employees, which was deemed a violation of investigative procedures.

That day, he exposed pressure from higher-ups during the investigation. In front of Cho Young-gon, then head of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office, he said, “I have concluded that it is impossible to continue this case under the chief prosecutor.” When an opposition lawmaker asked if Lee Jin-han, then deputy chief prosecutor of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office and Yoon’s direct superior, was the overall person in charge of the investigation, Yoon replied, “I do not think so.” Perhaps due to the absurdity of the situation, the sight of Cho shedding tears while witnessing this scene was broadcast live nationwide.

This unprecedented act of insubordination in the strictly hierarchical prosecution service was the day Yoon, now president-elect, first drew public attention.

The price for exposing improper investigative pressure was harsh. Having served as head of the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office’s Central Investigation Division 1 and 2, and chief of the Special Investigation Division 1 at the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office?positions reserved for the elite among elite prosecutors?he was demoted the following year to a less significant post at the Daegu High Prosecutors’ Office, and two years later to the Daejeon High Prosecutors’ Office, making a comeback seem unlikely.

He reappeared in the media at the end of 2016 when the special prosecution team investigating the Choi Soon-sil political scandal was launched. Initially reluctant to be dispatched due to his prior investigation into the NIS comment manipulation case that had blemished the administration, he eventually accepted the request from Special Prosecutor Park Young-soo. Park appointed him as the head of the investigation team, commanding 20 dispatched prosecutors and 40 dispatched officials from the prosecution, police, and National Tax Service.

Appearing in a casual jumper at the special prosecution office set up in Daechi-dong, Gangnam-gu, Seoul, he seemed energized, perhaps because he could return to his primary work of investigation. The special prosecution achieved significant results, indicting high-profile politicians such as President Park Geun-hye, Chief Presidential Secretary Kim Ki-choon, Policy Coordination Secretary Ahn Jong-beom, and Samsung Electronics Vice Chairman Lee Jae-yong. After the regime change, he made a spectacular comeback as chief of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office.

His appointment was a groundbreaking personnel move that broke seniority norms by placing him in charge of senior prosecutors who had entered the Judicial Research and Training Institute before him as first and third deputy chiefs. Subsequently, his close associates were appointed to key positions in the prosecution, leading to rumors that he wielded more influence than then Prosecutor General Moon Moo-il, and there were indeed some unfavorable views within the prosecution.

However, President Moon Jae-in’s trust in him was absolute, and he eventually rose to become the head of the prosecution. The person who put him to the test again was Minister of Justice Cho Kuk. Ahead of Cho’s confirmation hearing, numerous allegations surfaced against him and his wife, Professor Jung Kyung-shim of Dongyang University.

It must not have been easy to decide to investigate a ministerial nominee who was cherished by the president who appointed him and would soon become his direct superior. Yet, he once again pressed forward. On the evening of Cho’s confirmation hearing, he indicted Professor Jung on charges of forging a certificate, with the statute of limitations about to expire.

The backlash for defying the president’s wishes was several times harsher than during the NIS comment manipulation investigation. He quickly became the “public enemy” of the ruling party, and even senior officials who were supposed to assist the prosecutor general were replaced by pro-government prosecutors, effectively tying his hands and feet. Former Minister of Justice Choo Mi-ae twice stripped him of his investigative authority through supervisory orders, suspended his duties, and filed disciplinary charges against him on six counts.

However, it was Choo who was eventually dismissed, and the cases involving Cho Kuk’s family, which Yoon investigated and prosecuted, have without exception resulted in guilty verdicts in court. This is proof that his choices were not wrong.

There are various concerns about Yoon Seok-yeol as president rather than as a prosecutor, but one thing is clear: he has always prioritized justice over personal safety and has stood up against even the powerful when justice was at stake. This is likely the main reason the public chose him despite his political inexperience.

We hope his pledge to “restore the values of free democracy, rule of law, and fairness that have collapsed” will surely be realized.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.