I express regret over the special pardon of former President Park Geun-hye. Especially, the sudden exercise of authority without an official apology from the person involved carries significant political flaws, even if there are no legal defects. I hope that former President Park will supplement the legality and legitimacy of the special pardon with a sincere public apology in the future.


Regardless of the legitimacy debate surrounding the special pardon of former President Park, the political repercussions are inevitably significant. The election camp of Yoon Seok-yeol from the People Power Party becomes more complicated than that of Lee Jae-myung from the Democratic Party of Korea. While Yoon Seok-yeol was at the center of the judicial investigation during Park Geun-hye’s impeachment, key aides such as Representative Kwon Seong-dong were deeply involved in the constitutional and political processes of the impeachment.


Although Yoon Seok-yeol is said to have a ‘hyungnim (older brother) leadership’ style, his party leadership is weak. The People Power Party still bears strong remnants of the pro-Lee Myung-bak faction and the pro-Park Geun-hye camp, and Yoon is positioned on top of this. In the Daegu-Gyeongbuk (TK) region, where there is not a strong political or regional affinity for Yoon, the emergence of former President Park creates a centrifugal force that is politically unfavorable.


It may be difficult to immediately assess the impact of Park Geun-hye’s special pardon on Yoon’s approval ratings, but as the successor of the conservative camp, Yoon’s position will be put to the test. While the most ideal scenario would be leadership that transcends pro-Lee, pro-Park, or non-Park factions through integration and inclusion, a time may come when Yoon must choose between accepting or abandoning Park Geun-hye’s politics.


[The Editors' Verdict] The Political Repercussions of Park Geun-hye's Special Pardon View original image

If Yoon had fully succeeded or absorbed the People Power Party leadership after Park Geun-hye, there would be no major problem, but currently, he is nothing more or less than a ‘candidate,’ which makes his position unstable. The strong winds of regime change brought Yoon to candidacy, but Park Geun-hye’s special pardon adds a serious new challenge to Yoon’s leadership.


Unlike Yoon, Lee Jae-myung can minimize or steer the political repercussions of Park Geun-hye’s special pardon in a favorable direction if he responds well in a complex manner. Above all, Lee must premise his stance on opposing the special pardon. The Democratic Party’s base generally opposed the pardon, as was demonstrated during the political exclusion and downfall of former Democratic Party leader Lee Nak-yeon. Judging the state corruption and national unity were the foundations of the Candlelight Revolution, which remains the basis for the ruling party’s existence.


At the same time, as the ruling party’s candidate, Lee must respect the inherent authority exercised by President Moon Jae-in, who maintains a solid support base. Even in this case, Lee should emphasize the need for an apology from former President Park. Additionally, by mentioning concerns about Park’s health, Lee can lay the groundwork for appealing to voters in the TK region. A complex response involving opposition to the special pardon, respect for the presidential decision, demand for an apology, and health concerns is necessary for Lee, but neglecting any one of these could lead to failure.


Former President Park once had the reputation of being the ‘queen of elections.’ Despite impeachment, imprisonment, and special pardon, this reputation is likely to exert considerable influence in this election. This is because Yoon is being asked to clarify his political colors and ideology, while Lee is being asked to demonstrate political unification skills. In this presidential election, where countless variables are at play, the political repercussions of Park Geun-hye’s special pardon are by no means something to be ignored.



Park Sang-chul, Professor, Graduate School of Political Studies, Kyonggi University


This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.

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