[Imokhee's Homopoliticus] The Crucial Criterion of Choice, Inner Circle

Published 01 Oct.2021 14:19(KST)

Imokhee, Asia Economy Senior Correspondent

One of my most embarrassing memories as a journalist was the Choi Soon-sil (who changed her name to Choi Seo-won) scandal. I thought Choi was merely a companion to the reclusive former President Park Geun-hye. I believed that her husband, Jung Yoon-hoi, and the so-called "Three Key Aides" under his leadership were the real power players. Later, I realized that neither the Three Key Aides nor any pro-Park influential figures could compare to Choi. Park Kwan-cheon, a former police intelligence officer and Blue House administrator, wrote a historic report stating, "The top ranking in the Blue House is Choi Soon-sil, second is Jung Yoon-hoi, and third is Park Geun-hye."

The Choi scandal was a painful experience that made me deeply aware of my incompetence as a reporter. I tried to console myself by thinking that the chiefs of staff in Park Geun-hye’s Blue House were similarly unaware. The chief of staff is a position where all kinds of information converge. A confession from a former chief of staff, Mr. A: "I vaguely knew of Choi Soon-sil’s existence but truly did not understand her reality." Another former chief of staff, Mr. B, seemed to have a better grasp of the situation than Mr. A. However, Mr. B was also cautious, confessing, "I thought the Choi matter was a taboo that was difficult to touch, so I deliberately kept some specific information at a distance."

I once met former President Kim Young-sam (YS) shortly after his retirement. YS expressed his frustration, mainly due to the scandal involving his son, Hyun-chul, which broke out near the end of his term. YS, who had an unparalleled pride of being the one and only, seemed unable to believe that Hyun-chul wielded such overwhelming power. YS did not give his son any significant title, nor did he keep him close to ask about policies or personnel matters. The power concentrated in Hyun-chul was due to the inner circle, including the Dongsung-dong team. Key positions were dominated by Hyun-chul’s faction.

The Blue House’s political and civil affairs lines, intelligence agencies, and the ruling party were all occupied by the inner circle. Consistent reports came in, making it difficult for the president to make different judgments. At that time, Chief of Staff Mr. C, who was not part of the inner circle, practically gave up on the political and civil affairs sides and focused only on the economy and foreign security. After the late Kim Kwang-il became chief of staff, the situation became complicated. He confronted the inner circle by addressing political affairs. Kim, the former chief of staff, lamented in private, "It seems the intelligence agencies are even wiretapping me, the chief of staff."

In other administrations, the inner circle’s power was strong to varying degrees. The rank of chief of staff, senior secretary, or minister did not determine the intensity of power. Even a single administrator could be powerful if they belonged to the inner circle. There was someone called the "King Administrator." The "King Administrator" wielded influence by connecting key figures across senior secretaries’ offices, the ruling party, and government ministries.

In July, Song Young-gil, leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, sharply criticized the inner circle of the Moon Jae-in administration. At the Kwanhun Forum, he criticized the Blue House’s personnel and civil affairs lines, stating that the verification of inner circle members was too lax, leading to personnel disasters. Early in the current administration, the opposition party accused President Moon Jae-in of being surrounded by pro-North leftists. Looking back, it was not quite at that level. However, the pro-Moon faction certainly existed, such as the Owl Group and the Gwangheungchang team. There may be undisclosed unofficial groups that could be revealed later.

Already, controversies about the inner circle are emerging in the camps of current presidential candidates. The Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung’s camp is criticized for the dominance of the "Seongnam line." Those who had close ties since his days as a lawyer in Seongnam and during his mayoral tenure are considered the core. Next is the "Gyeonggi line," consisting of those who became close while managing Gyeonggi Province’s administration. The rest are considered the "six head ranks."

People criticize the People Power Party candidate Yoon Seok-youl for leading the "Yoon Seok-youl faction" since his time as Prosecutor General. After entering politics, he has not prioritized prosecutors. He also seems to try not to give the impression that power is concentrated in a particular individual. As a result, his camp sometimes appears less coordinated.

The inner circle is not only disadvantageous. When functioning healthily and normally, it has utility. It also helps break the rigidity of the bureaucratic society. However, when a small group controls the country, problems arise. They tend to become trapped in their own world and lose objectivity. Concentration of power breeds corruption. This is why democratic institutionalization has been pursued, even if it is somewhat less efficient.

If the inner circle operates excessively, it blinds the president’s eyes and ears. To win an election, a loyal and enthusiastic faction is necessary. But after taking office, the situation changes. Even if frustrating, institutions must be prioritized. Therefore, voters will regret it later if they simply evaluate a candidate’s character and qualifications.

What about the forces surrounding the candidate? Does the candidate have the self-control to avoid being swayed by the inner circle after becoming president? At this time, sincerity is crucial. When the Kim Dae-jung administration began, the Donggyo-dong power players declared they would not take government posts. Nevertheless, they still exerted behind-the-scenes influence. Unless the highest authority is very strict, the inner circle and unofficial groups will not be broken.

What if reporters had thoroughly investigated Choi Soon-sil’s true nature during the 2012 presidential election? They should have persistently pursued the matter and informed the public. If that had happened, the political history might have been less turbulent. Former President Park would not have suffered disgrace in her later years. This should serve as a lesson ahead of next year’s presidential election.

Both journalists and voters must have a sense of mission and closely examine the candidate’s surroundings. Already, allegations of corruption and illegal or illicit activities have been raised against some candidates’ camps. These should not be seen as mere incidents but should be investigated down to the personal backgrounds. History teaches us that inner circles that ignore institutions inevitably lead to personnel disasters and corruption.

When the inner circle monopolizes key information, lucrative interests unfold before their eyes. If the inner circle controls not only administrative execution departments but also intelligence and investigative agencies, it becomes uncontrollable. After a regime ends, I have seen many officials regret, saying, "We should have been more restrained and careful." Inner circles that are not rationally connected must be filtered out during the presidential election process. This time, I hope a government with proper checks and balances will be born.