[Column] The 21st General Election: The Battle of Three Major Frames

Sangbyung Park (Ph.D. in Political Science / Political Commentator)

The 21st general election is about three months away. While past general elections were important, this particular election carries a heavier significance than any before in history. This is because the ‘optimal timing’ to ‘redefine’ South Korea’s coordinates is being created. From politics to labor and welfare, we are repeatedly experiencing serious conflicts and clashes across various sectors. The crucial point is that these conflicts and clashes are fundamental and structural in nature. Without a fundamental solution, they are difficult to resolve. Ultimately, this means they can only be solved through ‘political issues.’ With the impeachment of former President Park Geun-hye, the presidential power has already been decided. Then, what will happen to the ‘parliamentary power,’ the main current of politics? Now is the time for the 21st general election to answer this question.

Korean electoral politics is largely influenced by frames, issues, and personalities. Among these, frames are the most decisive. Of course, policies and pledges are important, but they have limitations in significantly shifting the electoral landscape. A frame is a ‘differentiation strategy’ that runs through the entire election field, clearly planning the frontlines of ‘enemy and ally.’ Therefore, a frame must contain common sense, concepts, and vision. Only then can it win public support and prevail in the frame war. Conversely, a frame filled with forcefulness, sophistry, delusion, or hypocrisy cannot win anything.

So, what frames will dominate the 21st general election? The 21st general election is expected to feature an unprecedentedly dynamic ‘frame war’ where three frames collide. The first frame is the ‘regime judgment theory,’ which calls for judging the Moon Jae-in administration. The ‘conservative unification theory,’ recently discussed mainly by the Liberty Korea Party, is the means, and the so-called ‘anti-Moon coalition theory’ is its banner. Although this is a conventional frame that appears every election, it still seems to be a strong frame given that more people than expected have turned their backs on the Moon administration since the ‘Cho Kuk incident.’

The second is the ‘opposition party judgment theory.’ This is the argument that the Korean Party, centered on the ‘hardline conservative forces,’ must be ousted this time. It is the Democratic Party’s frame strategy countering the regime judgment theory. The logic is that although presidential power changed after Park Geun-hye’s impeachment, the far-right forces centered on ‘pro-Park’ still remain in the main opposition party in the National Assembly, obstructing state affairs and trampling democratic politics at every turn. While there is disappointment with the Moon administration, there is considerable public opinion that the Korean Party under leader Hwang Kyo-ahn is a ‘despair.’ There is even a possibility that the unprecedented ‘opposition party judgment theory’ could escalate into a typhoon-level phenomenon.

The third frame defines the Democratic Party and the Korean Party together as the ‘two-party vested interest system’ and argues that both must be swept away in this election. This is the core agenda of the Bareunmirae Party, which advocates ‘third zone politics.’ As leader Sohn Hak-kyu repeatedly emphasizes the need for a multiparty system and mentions the ‘third way,’ the intention is to end the ‘adversarial symbiotic relationship’ of the two-party vested interest system and change the ‘game’ of Korean politics. As symbolized by the recent ‘Gwanghwamun rally’ and ‘Seocho-dong rally,’ the ‘camp warfare’ has been maximized. At this point, if a ‘third force’ that refuses to join either side consolidates, the 21st general election will become unpredictable. With former leader Ahn Cheol-soo’s return to the country also scheduled, the stakes will rise even further.

The three major frame wars mentioned above each have their strengths and weaknesses. The essence of election strategy is to maximize strengths and minimize weaknesses. Therefore, it is still difficult to predict which frame will dominate. Of course, there is still plenty of time. However, what is clear is that the side that innovates most fiercely and communicates most passionately with the people will have the advantage. The people are not truly fools.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.