[The Editors' Verdict] The Democratic Party Needs a Magnanimous Decision

The National Assembly Launches Bipartisan Investigation into the Itaewon Tragedy
Swift Passage of the Budget Bill Needed

[Asia Economy Reporter Ji Yeon-jin] On December 8, 2010, the rotunda hall connected to the National Assembly plenary chamber became the scene of a fierce confrontation between the ruling and opposition parties over the Lee Myung-bak administration's Four Major Rivers budget proposal. Hundreds of Democratic Party lawmakers and aides formed a scrum to block the ruling party, then the Grand National Party (the predecessor of the People Power Party), from unilaterally passing the New Year's budget bill, preventing ruling party members from entering the plenary chamber.

The tense standoff lasted only briefly. Amid shouts of "Eussya," a rallying cry, aides of the ruling party broke through the opposition's scrum and escorted their lawmakers into the plenary chamber, sparking a violent scuffle. A reporter covering the situation through the glass doors at the entrance to the plenary chamber found themselves trapped between the glass and the crowd of hundreds, unable to move. Cracks began to appear in the glass, and fear surged that if the glass shattered and fell, they could be crushed. Desperately, they shouted, "Help me!"

After the Itaewon tragedy occurred last October, it was difficult to properly read related articles because the word "crush" carried an overwhelming weight. The horror of the accident that claimed the lives of 156 young people is incomparable to the momentary fear felt in the rotunda hall. However, recalling that day while observing the National Assembly's budget negotiations for the next year is due to the fact that a subpar political drama is still being enthusiastically broadcast.

Until the so-called "National Assembly Advancement Act," known as the National Assembly Act, was passed in 2012, year-end sessions of the National Assembly were marked by physical fights. The minority party would occupy the plenary chamber to resist the majority party's "smash-and-grab" budget bill passage. During these confrontations, loud shouting, insults, and fistfights occurred. The use of hammers, electric saws, and even tear gas made headlines in foreign media. After the Advancement Act was enacted, the Speaker's authority to unilaterally introduce bills was abolished. Consequently, the majority party's smash-and-grab tactics, the minority party's occupation of the plenary chamber, and violence in the National Assembly disappeared.

However, cooperation between the ruling and opposition parties remains elusive, and even basic courtesy toward the opposing party is hard to find. Reviewing this year's budget negotiation coverage reveals that both parties still do not hesitate to use profanity. Outwardly, the Democratic Party demands "repeal of the rich tax cuts," while the People Power Party calls for "support for smooth government administration," but beneath the surface, it appears to be a standoff between the opposition's last-ditch effort to block the prosecution's investigation targeting Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung and the ruling party's framing of the opposition as obstructing state affairs.

Even if securing constituency budgets is considered the fate of lawmakers whose political survival depends on public sentiment every four years, linking the budget bill to the Itaewon tragedy state investigation is far beyond common sense. The Democratic Party's push for a motion to dismiss Minister of the Interior and Safety Lee Sang-min as a shield against Lee Jae-myung's judicial risks deserves criticism. The People Power Party's boycott of the special committee investigating the Itaewon tragedy is equally problematic. It is belated but fortunate that Floor Leader Joo Ho-young declared a return to the investigation, and from that day, the ruling party resumed its inquiry into the Itaewon tragedy.

Now it is the Democratic Party's turn. Although the budget bill has exceeded the legal deadline several times since the Advancement Act, this is the first time it has extended beyond the regular session. If the next year's budget is not passed within this year, the Constitution stipulates that the government must prepare a "semi-budget" of a similar scale to this year's budget. The government has never executed a semi-budget before. The Democratic Party should not resort to brinkmanship by threatening to unilaterally pass its own revised bill if budget negotiations are not concluded by the end of the year, claiming "there will be no semi-budget," but instead make a magnanimous decision.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.