[Politics, That Day...] The 0.3% Presidential Candidate Who Will Unravel the '90s Generation Theory' Mysteries

10 Years Ago Democratic Party Leadership Race, Unexpected Winner Park Yong-jin... Will the 2022 Presidential Election Ignite the 'Spirit of the Times' Competition?

[Asia Economy Reporter Ryu Jeong-min]

Editor's Note‘Politics, That Day...’ is a series planning corner that looks back on Korean politics through the ‘recollection of memories’ related to scenes, events, and figures that deserve attention.

Park Yong-jin, Democratic Party of Korea lawmaker. / Photo by Yoon Dong-joo doso7@

The so-called ‘86 Generation (those born in the 1960s who attended university in the 1980s)’ began to fully integrate into practical politics during the 2000 16th general election. By the 2004 17th general election, coinciding with the overwhelming victory of the Uri Party, many members of the 86 Generation entered the National Assembly.

The 86 Generation, who were seniors and juniors in the National Council of Student Representatives (Jeondaehyeop), rose as the mainstream force in Korean politics based on their shared emotional common ground. Those who once played the role of a ‘stimulus’ to practical politics had already become a pillar of the ‘establishment’ that controls real politics.

To put it positively, they learned the art of political compromise; negatively, they lost their original colors and roles once they participated in politics. The criticism that they are following in the footsteps of the political seniors they once criticized is a point worth reflecting on. Having witnessed the rise and fall of Korean politics over the past 20 years, they are now quietly awaiting their ‘time to exit.’

The 97 Generation, expected to fill the void left by the 86 Generation, is growing slowly. The 97 Generation, who used to assist the 86 Generation, have now reached middle age. Those born in the 1970s who attended university in the 1990s are drifting away from labels like ‘young reformers’ or ‘young blood.’

Many from the classes of 1990 and 1991 have already entered their 50s, and those from the class of 1992 who did not retake exams are now 49 years old by Korean age this year. In the past, the ‘40s cohort theory’ was a focal point in Korean politics, but the 97 Generation is now at an age where promoting the 40s cohort theory is somewhat embarrassing.

Questions remain about the ‘90s cohort theory.’ Doubts exist about what kind of politics they will pursue, what contributions they will make to Korean society, and whether they have the capability to do so. When discussing the 90s cohort theory in political circles, one cannot overlook Park Yong-jin, a member of the Democratic Party of Korea.

Kim Tae-nyeon, floor leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, attended the 'Corporate Governance Improvement Forum' held at the National Assembly on June 2, 2020, and is discussing with lawmaker Park Yong-jin. Photo by Yoon Dong-joo doso7@

He is the eldest figure of the 97 Generation and has the richest political experience. Born in 1971, he is a 1990 class student of the Department of Sociology at Sungkyunkwan University. He is a politician who emerged from student activism, having served as president of the Sungkyunkwan University student council and chairman of the Seoul Northern Federation of University Student Councils. Although he shares many similarities with the 86 Generation, who were mainly from Jeondaehyeop, his political career differs.

The 86 Generation joined existing political parties like the Democratic Party or the Grand National Party, becoming the main force injecting young blood. Politician Park Yong-jin, however, jumped into progressive politics and raised the banner of social transformation. His first attempt to become a member of the National Assembly was in the 2000 16th general election.

As a young politician in his late 20s, Park ran as a candidate for the Democratic Labor Party in the Seoul Gangbuk district, gaining 13.26% of the vote and attracting attention. Although he was not elected, he was regarded as a dark horse threatening established politicians. It has been 20 years since politician Park Yong-jin entered practical politics.

Having mainly worked in progressive parties such as the Democratic Labor Party and the Progressive New Party, he participated in ‘Innovation and Integration’ in 2011, passed through the Citizens’ Unity Party, and eventually connected with the current Democratic Party.

“No camp, no faction, and no fear of bold challenges.” In December 2011, ‘politician Park Yong-jin’ declared his candidacy for the Democratic United Party leadership with this message. Progressivism, innovation, youth, and dynamism were the keywords he emphasized.

As an outsider with the title of former vice-chairman of the Progressive New Party, politician Park Yong-jin had to overcome the ‘first hurdle’ of the Democratic Party leadership race under unfavorable conditions. Fifteen candidates entered the Democratic Party leadership race at the time, but only nine who passed the preliminary cut-off could proceed to the final round.

Democratic Party lawmaker Park Yong-jin is questioning Lee Deok-seon, the emergency committee chairman of the Korean Federation of Private Kindergartens, during a comprehensive audit of the Ministry of Education and others at the Education Committee meeting held at the National Assembly on October 29, 2018. Photo by Yoon Dong-joo doso7@

Within the Democratic Party, those with strong organizational bases threw their hats into the ring for party leadership, so what weapon did politician Park Yong-jin use to compete with them? “I will make the party reborn as a progressive party, an innovative party, a party that takes action, and a party full of youthful dynamism. I will serve as a driving force to build a labor-respecting welfare state, the Republic of Korea.”

Politician Park Yong-jin threw himself into the Democratic Party leadership race, which was close to an uphill battle, by raising the spirit of the times. The result was surprising. On December 26, 2011, he passed the Democratic Party preliminary cut-off, surpassing formidable competitors. It was considered an unexpected outcome.

At the party convention on January 15, 2012, he ranked 9th among the nine leadership candidates. Although his final result was modest, it was regarded as a good performance. Despite a weak organizational base, he earned high marks for sparking a value competition related to the party’s future.

Ten years after running for the Democratic Party leadership, he is preparing for a new challenge. There were speculations about his candidacy for Seoul mayor, but it is known that he has shifted his focus toward the presidential election. Considering the reality, this challenge may be even tougher than when he ran for party leadership 10 years ago.

A survey conducted by Chosun Ilbo and TV Chosun through Kantar Korea from December 27 to 30 last year, targeting 1,010 voters nationwide, showed Park’s support rate at only 0.3%. For detailed information on the poll, please refer to the Central Election Poll Deliberation Commission website.

Park’s practical political experience spans over 20 years. He has been elected to the National Assembly twice. He also gained nationwide support when leading the ‘Kindergarten Three Laws.’ Yet, can the low public support be attributed solely to ‘lack of recognition’?

Park Yong-jin, a member of the Democratic Party of Korea, held a press conference at the National Assembly on September 23, 2019, regarding the plenary session submission of the "Kindergarten 3 Acts." The "Kindergarten 3 Acts," which include comprehensive measures to eradicate corruption in private kindergartens (amendments to the Early Childhood Education Act, Private School Act, and School Meals Act), are scheduled to be submitted to the plenary session on the 24th. This is 11 months after the bill was proposed. Photo by Yoon Dong-joo doso7@

The public’s verdict must be analyzed humbly to find its implications. Politician Park Yong-jin is a holder of a ‘different perspective’ who does not hesitate to criticize the Democratic Party from within. From the perspective of intra-party democracy, this is a meaningful role.

However, it is questionable whether he has presented a vision beyond criticism, a ‘blueprint’ for how the Democratic Party and Korean politics should change. If he remains only at the level of critical remarks on major issues, his role may be limited to that of a commentator.

It is also worth considering whether he has shown a political stance befitting his position as the eldest of the 97 Generation. For the mainstream generation in Korean politics to shift from the 86 Generation to the 97 Generation, the public must recognize their capabilities. This includes recognition of their ability to govern the party on a small scale and the country on a larger scale.

This is a point that Park, as the eldest of the 97 Generation, should pay attention to. Can politician Park Yong-jin, as when he entered politics 20 years ago and when he ran for Democratic Party leadership 10 years ago, once again ignite the fire of value competition based on the spirit of the times? Can he change the current situation where attention is focused only on who is likely to win the presidential election and what the poll ratings are?

If presidential candidates compete by focusing on the spirit of the times and values in Korean society, wouldn’t the presidential race be qualitatively upgraded? This is why the trajectory of the ‘0.3% presidential candidate’ who can unravel the mystery surrounding the substance of the 90s cohort theory is drawing attention.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.