[Asia Economy Reporter Jeon Jin-young] On the afternoon of the 15th, Sim Sang-jung, leader of the Justice Party, criticized the two major parties during the speech by representatives of non-negotiating parties held at the National Assembly plenary session, saying, "The staple menu of influential politicians has disappeared. That is none other than political reform." Sim called this the "aftereffects of satellite parties," stating, "The coalition of the conservative opposition party that refused reform and the ruling party that destroyed reform is a setback for democracy and a shame for all." She also pointed out, "Nevertheless, I have yet to see a letter of reflection from the two major parties."

[Image source=Yonhap News]

[Image source=Yonhap News]

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The full text of the speech is as follows


Dear fellow citizens,

Honorable Speaker Park Byeong-seug and members of the National Assembly,

Prime Minister Chung Sye-kyun and members of the Cabinet,

I am Sim Sang-jung, leader of the Justice Party.


It has been eight months since the first COVID-19 infection was reported on January 20.

To all citizens who have endured the dark tunnel of suffering in your respective places,

I offer my heartfelt condolences and words of encouragement.


So far, Korea's K-quarantine has been successful.

The quarantine authorities were strong, experts and medical staff were competent and dedicated,

and the patience and restraint of the people were moving.

As a result, Korea's K-quarantine became a model for the world,

and accordingly, macroeconomic indicators also performed well.


However, in the second month of the COVID-19 resurgence,

citizens' daily lives and futures are shaking.

Citizens who thought they just had to endure one more month, one more hurdle,

are growing weary.


Above all, the valley of accumulated inequality in our society is deepening. The lives of small business owners, self-employed, workers pushed into unemployment and job insecurity are literally on the edge of a cliff.

Honorable fellow lawmakers,


The promises of the president and politicians to ensure disasters are not harsher on the vulnerable

have scattered like echoes in the void.


Last week, 605 workers at Eastar Jet were notified of mass layoffs.

Those laid off endured wage cuts, unpaid wages, and various hardships,

striving to save the company from the COVID-19 crisis.


However, there is not even a trace of effort from the company, government, or ruling party to prevent mass layoffs.


A 16-year-old golfer suspected of illegal gift-giving became the major shareholder of a key industry airline, yet does the government bear no responsibility?

A 21.2 billion won asset owner evaded 500 million won in employment insurance premiums and cannot even receive employment stabilization funds,

yet the ruling party that gave a gold badge to such a malicious business owner is turning a blind eye.

Prime Minister Chung Sye-kyun, Representative Lee Nak-yeon, we await responsible solutions.


So far, quarantine has been well handled by experts, but the problem is people's livelihoods.

Only quarantine was enforced, but livelihood measures were temporary.

This is political negligence.

How long will the tedious debate between selective and universal support continue?


Now, the political sphere must put their heads together to prepare predictable measures so citizens can live safely in this disaster era.


This is the era of COVID-19 and climate crisis.

Although the COVID-19 vaccine will take time, experts commonly agree that we will face second and third pandemics more frequently and stronger.

At least, the post-COVID era returning to pre-pandemic normalcy will not come.


Moreover, complex disasters caused by the climate crisis are approaching with fear.

The longest monsoon with heavy rain, successive typhoons, melting glaciers and ecosystem destruction,

abnormal temperatures and wildfires worldwide are sufficient signs of the fear of climate extinction.

All these phenomena stem from the collapse of Earth's immune system.


While Korea is focusing all efforts on overcoming the COVID crisis,

many countries worldwide recognize the climate crisis as a greater threat and are accelerating a great transition.


If the great historian Eric Hobsbawm were alive, he might name the 21st century we live in as the "Age of Disaster."


To live in the "Age of Disaster," a new social contract is needed.

The true victory in the COVID war is to establish a new social system balancing quarantine and daily life even as spread and suppression repeat.

And overcoming the climate crisis is a task for which the government must mobilize emergency plans and act with full force to transition to a decarbonized society.


The COVID war will not be a short-term battle but a long-term war of attrition.

To win a long-term war, basic strength must be solid.

Strong resource allocation that can maintain both quarantine and people's livelihoods is essential.

To give citizens the belief that the state will guarantee safety and minimum dignity even in disaster,

that is exactly what the wartime government and National Assembly must do.


In the age of disaster, I propose four major tasks for a new social contract.


New Social Contract I. Pandemic Emergency Measures

First, I propose a 'COVID Disaster Manual' for each quarantine stage.


Currently, Level 1 quarantine is cooperative quarantine conducted under personal hygiene and voluntary citizen participation.

However, from Level 2, it is controlled quarantine involving restrictions and orders on gatherings and enforced 'social distancing.'

Inevitably, economic activity restrictions follow,

and most citizens experience income reduction and interruption.

Many self-employed and small business owners are driven to business suspension and closure.

Therefore, what is urgently needed now is to prepare 'predictable disaster stabilization measures' so that citizens can cope whenever distancing measures are implemented due to resurgence.

Just as in wartime, evacuation places are pre-designated in case of bombing,

I propose institutionalizing a 'COVID Disaster Manual' as a safe 'economic shelter' under a quasi-wartime COVID system at the regular National Assembly session.


This proposal is not special. It follows the precedent of declaring 'special disaster areas' and compensating residents for damages in unexpected natural disasters.

Since pandemic disasters cause greater and broader suffering, institutionalization is naturally necessary.

From Level 2 quarantine, a 'universal disaster basic allowance' should be paid to all citizens.

Also, rent and utility (electricity, communication fees, etc.) reduction plans for affected self-employed and small business owners should be included in the manual.

The amount and scale can be determined according to quarantine stage and duration.


We must end the tedious repeated debates over disaster allowance payments due to infectious disease resurgence and quarantine measures that may repeat several times.

Also, support for business losses and damages to self-employed and small business owners due to quarantine should be substantial, not one-time 'band-aid' support.


Pain-sharing for the COVID New Deal must be justly reorganized.

Landlords should also participate in rent reduction according to damage stages,

and a system should be introduced to deduct the reduced amount from income tax at year-end settlement.


The highest barrier to COVID livelihoods is rent.

Even if businesses are effectively closed,

rent ranging from hundreds to thousands of thousands of won must be paid regularly.

It is hard even to find part-time jobs, yet university students pay monthly rent for rooms they do not even live in.

However, landlords' demands for rent reduction are dismissed as private contract violations.

The government only appeals for landlords to be 'good landlords,' which is incomprehensible.

Why should rental income be guaranteed while restricting business freedom and forcing income loss on citizens under a quarantine wartime system?

If some live under wartime control as an obligation and others live in a free world as a right, that is unfair.

Since everyone participates in quarantine measures for everyone's safety,

pain must be shared evenly without exception.

The recent controversy over communication fees is the same.

Telecom companies should spend more than half of their profits on fee reductions.

The government should demand telecom companies enjoying COVID special profits to share the pain.


Along with this, efforts to expand quarantine flexibility through public healthcare expansion must be pursued.

One reason for maintaining strong quarantine despite low confirmed cases is the severe shortage of public hospital beds for severe patients. Public healthcare's weakness is being compensated by strong distancing.

The government should immediately create a public contribution manual for private hospitals,

and institutionalize the long-delayed public hospital expansion plan.


The Justice Party will propose the (tentative) COVID Livelihood Support Special Act containing economic livelihood manuals according to quarantine stages.

We request the government and all parties to review this magnanimously.


New Social Contract II. Substantial Income Security System in Disaster Era

Second, let's move toward a new social security system by introducing the "Universal Employment and Income Insurance."


In the disaster era, it is urgent to introduce a social security system that guarantees income so all citizens can maintain at least human dignity.

To this end, the Justice Party has proposed the "Universal Employment and Income Insurance" Act.


This system requires all workers to pay a certain percentage of their income as insurance premiums, with employers and government contributing accordingly, to protect all workers from risks of unemployment and income loss.

The Justice Party proposes comprehensive implementation covering not only wage workers but all forms of labor providers and self-employed, not gradually but fully.


President Moon Jae-in declared laying the foundation for the era of universal employment insurance.

However, the government and ruling party plan to maintain the current wage-based employment insurance framework and expand coverage gradually.

The current system covers only 13.67 million out of 28 million economically active population,

and plans to include only 3 million more by the end of the term in 2022.

This is not universal employment insurance but a half-universal system.

It cannot protect citizens' lives from the COVID disaster.

We urge the government and ruling party to change their stance.


The "Universal Employment and Income Insurance" is the most necessary new social contract in the disaster era,

and the surest starting point toward realizing the basic income system, a future income security system.

We expect all political forces sympathetic to basic income to unite in realizing the "Universal Employment and Income Insurance" system.


For this, a real-time income tracking system is needed.

Like the UK's RTI (Real Time Information), a real-time income tracking system based on the National Tax Service's Hometax (monthly) must be established.


Recently, the People Power Party revised its platform to include basic income, which is progressive.

Above all, it is promising that a conservative party has shown interest in citizens living at the lower end of society.


However, if the basic income policy is reviewed "within the fiscal capacity of the country," as Floor Leader Joo Ho-young said,

it reads as a low-income support policy consolidating existing welfare programs.

If a policy that only rearranges existing welfare without additional funding is called basic income,

it will mislead the public.


New Social Contract III. Democracy for the Vulnerable

Third, we must strengthen citizens' fundamental rights.


"In these unfortunate times, measures for the forgotten people at the bottom of the economic pyramid are needed."

This was said by Roosevelt when announcing the New Deal in the U.S.

As such, the core of the New Deal that saved the U.S. from the Great Depression was not dam construction but strengthening labor rights.


An important task of the new social contract is to readjust social power relations so disasters do not lead to inequality and polarization.


Workers in workplaces with fewer than five employees, irregular workers, special employment workers, freelancers, platform workers?all must enjoy labor fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution and laws without exception.


Considering that 25% of the economically active population are self-employed and the severe polarization between companies, strengthening bargaining power of agency owners, franchisees, subcontractors, and small business owners is urgent.


Grant collective bargaining rights to franchisees and guarantee collective action rights to small business associations to improve power imbalances among economic actors.

Based on this, they should be able to confront widespread unfair trade and subcontractor abuses themselves.


New Social Contract IV. Emergency Disaster Budgeting

Fourth, we must pursue strong fiscal innovation to overcome disasters.


"The COVID-19 disaster is a great failure of small government."

This is said by British economist Mariana Mazzucato.


If the government had left the market to provide masks,

hoarding would have prevented supply to places where needed.

Only a government that can strongly allocate resources necessary for citizens' safety and survival in disaster times is qualified to take responsibility for the nation.


Dear citizens,


There are parties that complain about using many bullets in wartime,

and about using much water to put out fires.

They illogically insist the government operate as in peacetime and become smaller despite wartime.


The U.S. spent over $3 trillion, more than 62% of its $4.8 trillion budget.

Germany, with the strictest fiscal rules, passed a 750 billion euro (about 997 trillion won) stimulus package in March.

The People Power Party's insistence on balanced budgets and fiscal rules in disaster times shows how outdated and irresponsible it is.

Now, the issue is not how much the government deficit is.

The question is who among government, households, and businesses will bear the debt inevitably incurred to win the COVID war.

Isn't preventing household bankruptcies the first priority? Everyone!


If the main opposition party truly worries about livelihoods and fiscal collapse,

it should work on preparing fiscal plans necessary for the COVID war.

Rather, it should responsibly propose tax increases and lead social solidarity among the wealthy.

That is the true way to empower the people.


I offer three proposals for fiscal innovation.

First, normalize the tax burden rate, which is too low compared to our economic size.

In 2018, the tax burden rate was only 20%; we must create a roadmap to reach the OECD average of 25%.


Second, lead the introduction of a 1% ultra-wealth tax on the top 1% super-rich.

About 38.5 trillion won collected this way can significantly contribute to emergency disaster funds.


Third, the political sphere should lead pain-sharing by cutting lawmakers' salaries by 30%.

I have previously proposed the "Fat Cat Law" to cap lawmakers' salaries at five times the minimum wage. I hope the National Assembly starts responsible pain-sharing measures, not one-time donations or symbolic cuts.


We must break through the climate and economic crises with a real Green New Deal.


Dear citizens,


Recently, language about the climate crisis overflows in our National Assembly.

The government and ruling party emphasize overcoming the climate crisis and include the Green New Deal in the Korean New Deal.

Even the main opposition People Power Party has begun mentioning a 'decarbonized' society. This is an encouraging change.


However, unfortunately, the Green New Deal included by the government in the Korean New Deal is very insufficient.

It shares nothing with the Justice Party's Green New Deal except the name.

Carbon reduction targets are unclear and mostly rely on large corporations' production strategies.

It does not stray far from the framework of green growth and creative economy.


The main opposition party's 'decarbonization' is trapped in baseless criticism of solar power and blind faith in nuclear power.


Recently, global oil company ExxonMobil was removed from the Dow Jones.

The EU is preparing a carbon border tax.

Global IT companies like Apple, Facebook, and Amazon restrict renewable energy use as a condition for partner companies.


I want to ask how prepared our government and companies are.


The Green New Deal means ending the old fossil fuel economy and making a great transition to a decarbonized economy. Above all, the government must have a firm philosophy.


The government cannot handle this with inertia led by market power.

The government itself must become an innovator.

It must create markets with innovative policies and sometimes be an investor, sometimes a competitor, leading the private sector.


The top priority in responding to the climate crisis is reducing carbon emissions.

This means completely innovating the transportation system, which accounts for 20% of carbon emissions.


I propose an era of 10 million electric vehicles by 2030.

We must boldly restrict carbon-emitting vehicles from entering major cities nationwide,

and consider banning the production and sale of new internal combustion engine vehicles, as in the Netherlands, Austria, and Ireland.


The government should open a 10 million electric vehicle market through policy initiatives,

leading companies to participate and accelerating investment and technological innovation.


Supporting large corporations with subsidies to increase eco-friendly vehicle production

will delay carbon reduction and even corporate innovation.


Also, we urge shutting down coal-fired power plants within 10 years,

and replacing up to 40% of our electricity with solar and wind power.


We must expand renewable energy innovatively, not by damaging forests and mountains, but by installing solar tunnels on urban building roofs, roads, and railways.


Green New Deal technological innovation is not labor-saving innovation that reduces jobs and wages like the Digital New Deal.


It is resource-saving innovation that reduces the use of finite resources,

and innovation that increases resource productivity and green jobs.


To this end, we must invest more than 1% of GDP annually in green technologies such as energy storage systems (ESS), smart grids, and decarbonized parts and materials development.


The Justice Party and I have an unwavering firm philosophy.

Just as we realized free school meals, free education, and public healthcare,

the Justice Party will lead the real Green New Deal.


Let's set new standards for dignified life in the 21st National Assembly.


Honorable senior and fellow lawmakers,


COVID-19 has reminded us that all lives are connected,

and no one should be at risk for everyone to be safe.


In the age of disaster, we must open an era where each citizen's self-esteem and dignity are socially recognized and respected.


To this end, the 21st National Assembly must resolve four legislative tasks.


First, enact the Anti-Discrimination Act.


Regardless of wealth or income,

region, education, or occupation,

and regardless of gender or various identities,

everyone has the right to be equally recognized and dignified as members of society.


I appeal to senior and fellow lawmakers.

The Anti-Discrimination Act is a bill that democracy cannot ignore.


Second, enact the Serious Accident Corporate Punishment Act.


2,000 workers die annually in Korea.

They fall, get caught, suffocate from smoke, burn, die from disease, and overwork.

Can we boast of being the world's 10th largest economy under these conditions?


The reality of compensating a death with only 7 million won consolation money must end.

If a worker dies at work, the company should be considered to have committed murder

and receive punishment commensurate with a serious crime.


The Serious Accident Corporate Punishment Act can no longer be postponed.


Third, address the basic housing rights of vulnerable groups.


Over one million households fall below minimum housing standards.

Among them, 370,000 households and 700,000 people live in semi-basements.

Let's eradicate semi-basement rooms, a blind spot in housing rights.

Amend the Building Act to prevent approval of inhumane housing spaces, improve minimum housing standards under the Housing Basic Act, and significantly strengthen housing benefits.


Fourth, the National Assembly must respond to the Me Too movement.


Three years have passed since the Me Too movement shook society,

but punishments for sexual violence crimes are lenient, and serious digital sex crimes like Telegram Nth Room are rapidly increasing.

Let's process the dormant Sexual Violence Prevention Act and non-consensual rape laws in the National Assembly

to advance a gender-equal society.


Lost political reform, we demand the Democratic Party's resolution.


Honorable senior and fellow lawmakers,


Look at the political news dominating portals now.

Property omission, illegal gift-giving, abuse of power controversies, preferential treatment for children.

All kinds of illegal acts seeking vested interests are spreading as news created by legislators.

Citizens are at war with COVID, but the political sphere is at war to protect privileges.

It is tragic and shameful.


Lawmakers and public officials must stop real estate speculation.

They must give up privileges and unfair advantages.

The attitude of "What's the problem if it's not illegal?" does not meet the public's expectations.


Ethical standards for public officials, such as the one-household-one-home rule for high-ranking officials, must be greatly strengthened.

The National Assembly must promptly pass the conflict of interest prevention law it has avoided.

We must restore public trust in politics.


Honorable senior and fellow lawmakers,


The staple menu of influential politicians that always appeared when the National Assembly was newly formed has disappeared.

It is none other than political reform.

There are no stereotyped claims or even formal lip service.

This is the aftereffect of satellite parties.

The coalition of the conservative opposition party that refused reform and the ruling party that destroyed reform

is a setback for democracy and a shame for all.

Nevertheless, I have yet to see a letter of reflection from the two major parties.


The reason the Justice Party devoted itself to electoral reform

was not only because of its own urgency.

A National Assembly resembling the people and politics of diversity was an urgent demand of the times.

However, the two major parties' logic of protecting their own interests

overturned the golden opportunity for candlelight reform.


COVID has made it impossible to return everything to the past,

and politics is no exception.

The people gave the Democratic Party 180 seats,

but that does not exempt them from political reform failure.


Lost political reform,

we demand the Democratic Party's resolution.


The Justice Party will open a new decade.


Dear citizens and senior and fellow lawmakers,


The Justice Party is about to elect a new leader.

From now on, the Justice Party will not be symbolized only by me, Sim Sang-jung.

The Justice Party will prepare for a new decade.

While the two major parties compete over approval ratings,

the Justice Party will compete with the future and prepare for a great transition.


As German Chancellor Willy Brandt said,

Youth do not compare today's reality with yesterday's misery.

They compare today's reality with tomorrow's possibilities.


On the other hand, our generation compares yesterday's misery with today's reality.

We compare the democracy we have now with the May 1980 Gwangju Uprising.

Our generation's eyes remain in the past.


But I, Sim Sang-jung, was once young too.

If at that time, my generation's eyes had not turned to the future,

the reality of dictatorship and oppression would not have changed.

The dark era when even labor unions could not be formed would not have disappeared.


The anxious eyes of our youth

are looking to the future even amid the desperate struggle to pass through the age of disaster.

They are confronting unprecedented inequality and climate disasters in their own ways.

The Justice Party and I will roll up our sleeves and stand shoulder to shoulder with our youth's struggle.



In the place where we fight together with them,

the Justice Party and Sim Sang-jung will rise again.

Thank you.


This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.

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